Puerto Rican immigrants
Puerto Rican immigrants are individuals who have migrated from Puerto Rico, a U.S. commonwealth, to the mainland United States, where they benefit from open borders due to their citizenship. As of 2021, Puerto Ricans represent the second-largest Latino ethnic group in the U.S., following Mexican immigrants. The migration patterns from Puerto Rico have been shaped by various socio-economic factors, including overcrowding on the island and the search for better employment opportunities. The island's complex history, including its transition from Spanish colonial rule to U.S. governance in 1898, has fostered a strong Puerto Rican identity, even as many have settled on the mainland.
Historically, Puerto Ricans began migrating to the U.S. in significant numbers during the early 20th century, with New York City emerging as a primary destination. Economic challenges, including declines in the sugar industry and later natural disasters, have spurred waves of migration, particularly in recent years. By 2021, the population of Puerto Ricans in the U.S. had grown to approximately 5.8 million, with a notable younger demographic seeking improved living conditions. Despite their numbers, Puerto Ricans in the U.S. face unique challenges, including political representation and economic disparities compared to their counterparts on the island. Advocacy groups have emerged to support their rights and preserve their cultural heritage within the broader U.S. society.
Published In: 2023 1 of 3
- Related Topics:
2 of 3
- Related Articles:¿Pa 'rriba o pa 'bajo? Upward mobility, anti‐Blackness, and the independence question among Puerto Ricans in NYC: A decolonial psychoanalytic study.;How Bad Bunny Did It.;The importance of acculturation orientation in understanding the impact of pre‐ and post‐migration stressors on behavioral health: Evidence from a crisis migrant sample.;The Poet of Electroshocks: On the Radioactive Mystics of Francisco Matos Paoli.
3 of 3
Full Article
SIGNIFICANCE: A small island with more than three million people, Puerto Rico has long been seriously overcrowded, making migration to the mainland United States a useful means of reducing population pressures. As a US commonwealth, Puerto Rico has had an open border with the United States that has allowed Puerto Ricans—US citizens by law—to move so easily to the mainland that by 2003, immigrants from the tiny Caribbean island had become the second-largest Latino ethnic group in the United States—trailing only immigrants from vastly larger Mexico. This group remained the second largest Latino group through the mid-2020s. Although most Puerto Ricans are bicultural and speak English and Spanish, they also have worked to retain their ethnic identity in the United States both collectively and individually—even after more than a century of increasing immigration, provoked mainly by the lure of employment.
Before the Spanish-American War of 1898, the people of the Spanish island colony of Puerto Rico started to evolve a sense of national identity. In 1897—after four centuries of Spanish rule—the island’s rich hybrid mixture of Spanish, African, and native Taino and Arawak peoples had acquired a Charter of Autonomy from the Spanish government. Spain’s defeat in the Spanish-American War passed control of Puerto Rico to the United States. Since that time, the island’s people have faced paradoxical tendencies. While a powerful nationalistic streak has continued to imbue islanders with a strong sense of Puerto Rican identity, large numbers of Puerto Ricans flocked to the United States.
Puerto Rico’s Ambiguous Future
For decades, Puerto Rican political debates focused on one defining question: Should the island declare its independence, apply for US statehood, or continue its hybrid commonwealth status. Puerto Ricans were granted US citizenship by birthright in 1917. Their island’s commonwealth status allows them open access to the United States and many federally provided social services—but denies them the right to vote in US elections. Puerto Rico has one nonvoting representative in the US Congress—its citizens can vote in US primary elections of political parties, but not in national general elections. Additionally, Puerto Ricans are subject to US military service—they have served in all American wars since 1900.
Puerto Rico has existed as a multicultural society for several centuries. When the Spanish first arrived, it was inhabited by Arawak and Taino people—most of whom were killed by European diseases and violent conflict. Spain formerly occupied the island in 1511—a full century before England began colonizing North America. By the time the island was acquired by the United States, it already had a university with degrees recognized in Spain and well-defined cultural traditions.
Puerto Ricans began immigrating to the United States even before the Spanish-American War. By 1898, New York City was already home to a small but vigorous community of Puerto Ricans—many of whom were exiles who supported US aid as a measure of liberation from Spain. Some of them cited the American struggle for independence against Great Britain in their calls for greater autonomy for Puerto Rico. Advocates of Puerto Rican independence were profoundly disappointed by the lack of American interest in that goal. The commonwealth status that the United States later granted to Puerto Rico actually restricted Puerto Rican autonomy more severely than the 1897 Charter of Autonomy granted by Spain, especially in extranational matters—such as trade. However, commonwealth status offers Puerto Ricans the advantages of unrestricted immigration to the United States and integration into the US trade and cultural networks.
New York City as a Point of Entry
After the US occupation of Puerto Rico, immigration to the United States developed slowly. As late as 1910, fewer than 2,000 Puerto Ricans lived in the country—almost all of them in New York City. By 1930, the Puerto Rican population of the United States had risen to about 40,000. Soon thereafter, however, the main entry-port of New York City was flooded by Puerto Ricans. Substantial Puerto Rican communities were soon established in Brooklyn, the South Bronx, and Manhattan’s East—Spanish Harlem, Lower East Side, parts of the Upper East Side, and Chelsea.
Around this same time, Puerto Rico’s economy was undergoing an important shift. During the last years of Spanish rule, the island produced four main export products—sugarcane, coffee, cattle, and tobacco. However, the island’s close association with the United States elevated the importance of sugar, which was cheaper to produce in Puerto Rico than Hawaii or the southern United States—which previously provided most of the sugar consumed in the United States. The shift to a primarily sugar-based economy under US corporate control took place during the second decade of the twentieth century.
The expansion of large-scale sugar production in Puerto Rico drove many small farmers off their land and into shantytowns in San Juan and other cities, while also creating new pressure for emigration. This powerful “push factor” was intensified during the 1920s and 1930s, when the island’s sugarcane industry declined, creating even more unemployment, poverty, and emigration to the United States. As increasing numbers of Puerto Ricans went north, shipping lines established regular routes on which to ferry large numbers of Puerto Ricans between San Juan and New York City—a trip that required four to five days.
Push-Pull Factors, 1940s-1950s
Between 1940 and 1950, the number of Puerto Ricans living in the United States grew by more than 400 percent—from about 70,000 to more than 300,000—including roughly 75,000 children born after their parents’ arrival in the US. After the United States entered World War II (1937-1945) in 1941, expanding war production drew still more Puerto Ricans to the mainland, providing the island some relief from widespread unemployment. Meanwhile, the Puerto Rican government sought to diversify the island’s economy by subsidizing industries such as glass, pulp and paper, shoe leather, and other products through the Puerto Rican Development Corporation. This effort, which began as the Fomento Program in 1942, utilized state capitalism—later reconstituted as “Operation Bootstrap” under the aegis of private ownership.
The “Bootstrap” program was designed to create jobs and provide an independent economic base to reduce emigration pressures. Companies—mostly from the United States—were invited to set up plants on the island to take advantage of relatively low wages and tax incentives. With the advent of large-scale jet air travel during the 1960s, the government also promoted tourism—mainly from the United States. The program enjoyed mixed success, but it had several benefits—improvement of the island’s roads, water supplies, sewage systems, education, and electrical utilities. Medical care also improved—allowing many Puerto Ricans to live longer. Even with these efforts, the number of new jobs created fell short of needs as continuing evictions of small farmers and steady, natural population growth continued to propel emigration to the United States into the 1950s and early 1960s. More than 69,000 Puerto Ricans moved to the United States in 1953 alone.
Rising prosperity in the United States during those years also played a role in drawing immigrants from Puerto Rico. Net annual immigration—which had averaged between a few hundred and 8,000 from 1920 through the early 1940s—rose quickly to 40,000 during the early 1950s. It peaked at almost 80,000 per year during the mid-1950s, then declined rapidly to fewer than 10,000 by the mid-1960s as new jobs opened in Puerto Rico’s own Bootstrap industries. However, many companies that established plants on the island later abandoned them as cheaper labor became available in other countries. As unemployment again rose, so also did emigration from the island.
The large amount of Puerto Rican immigration between the end of World War II and the mid-1960s caused Puerto Rican communities within the United States to grow rapidly. Most new arrivals gravitated to New York City, but Puerto Ricans were beginning to spread out to nearby parts of New Jersey and Connecticut and as far afield as Illinois, California, and Florida.
Immigration and Labor
Most Puerto Ricans immigrated to the United States to find jobs. US-based corporations often played an active role in their immigration by advertising stateside employment on the island. Some basic American industries such as cement making and steel manufacturing actively recruited workers from the island. Waves of migration resulted from labor requirements in specific industries—such as textiles in New York City and steel mills in Ohio. Many thousands of immigrants also held jobs in seasonal industries, such as farmwork. The idle season in Puerto Rico’s sugarcane industry is summer—the peak season for agricultural labor in the United States.
Demographic Trends Through the Twenty-First Century
By the time of the 1980 US Census, most Puerto Ricans living in the United States were still concentrated in the Northeast, with 986,802 in New York State alone—an increase of about 50 percent over the figure for 1960. Another 243,540 lived in New Jersey, a 400 percent increase over 1960; 129,165 in Illinois, mostly in and near Chicago, a 400 percent increase over 1960; 88,361 in Connecticut; and 91,802 in Pennsylvania, with a notable community in Philadelphia.
Large Puerto Rican communities in other parts of the United States in 1980 included 94,775 people in Florida, mostly in and near Miami, and 93,038 in California, mostly centered in the Los Angeles area. By 1980, Puerto Ricans were living in every state, with significant numbers even in Alaska (965), Hawaii (19,351), Washington State (5,065), Wisconsin (10,483), and Kansas (2,978).
Between 1960 and 1980, the total Puerto Rican population in the United States rose about 880,000 to almost two million. However, only part of this increase was the result of immigration. The rest reflected natural population growth within the United States. By the year 2000, the total Puerto Rican population in the United States was about 3.4 million—a 70 percent increase since 1980.
Beginning during the 1990s, the Puerto Rican population dispersed from New York City, which had been the overwhelming center of demographic gravity, with more than 80 percent of the group’s population within the United States. By 2000, Puerto Ricans in New York City represented only one-quarter of all Puerto Ricans in the United States. However, despite that declining proportion, about 800,000 Puerto Ricans still lived in the city. At the same time, Puerto Ricans in Florida nearly doubled from 247,016 to 482,027 between 1990 and 2000, a 95.1 percent increase. In 2003, a US Census survey found an estimated 760,127 Puerto Ricans in Florida, a 57.7 percent increase in only three years.
In 2015, Puerto Rico’s population was estimated at 3,474,182, down significantly from the census estimate of 4,120,205 in 2007. In 2003, for the first time, the Puerto Rican population in the United States exceeded the number living in Puerto Rico. About 4.6 million Puerto Ricans lived in the United States by the 2010 census. In Puerto Rican communities, the phrase aqui y alla—“here and there”—has been used to describe this mass migration back and forth.
By 2019, the population rose to around 5.83 million which reflected negatively in Puerto Rico's population. As the number of Puerto Rican immigrants in the US increased, the population in Puerto Rico continually decreased—a trend which accelerated following the 2017 Maria and Irma hurricanes.
Puerto Ricans in the United States in the 2000s
By 2000, Puerto Ricans in the United States were earning about $54.5 billion a year—28 percent more than the $42.6 billion earned by fellow Puerto Ricans still on the island. However, immigrants were supplementing island incomes by remitting an estimated $1 billion a year to relatives in Puerto Rico. In 2021, gross national income in the country reached an all-time high at $22,580—more than half of the country’s residents still experienced poverty.
Puerto Ricans maintained collective advocacy for political and social rights—preserving their cultural heritage within the context of broader US society. In New York City—for example—many Puerto Ricans have run for elected offices since the 1920s. In 1937, a Puerto Rican was elected to the New York State Assembly for the first time. By 2016, five Puerto Ricans had served in the US House of Representatives—four from New York City and one from Idaho. By 2026, many more individuals of Puerto Rican descent have served in the United States House of Representatives and the Senate. Prominent voting members have included Herman Badillo, Charles Rangel, and Robert Garcia, as well as still-serving members such as Nydia Velázquez, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Ritchie Torres. Additionally, senator Ted Cruz and secretary of state Marco Rubio have long-served in government positions in the US.
In addition, Puerto Rico is represented in the House by a Resident Commissioner, a non-voting delegate position held by figures such as Jenniffer González-Colón. Representation in the United States Senate has been far more limited, with only a small number of senators—such as Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz—having notable Puerto Rican heritage.
Puerto Rican mayors have also been elected in such American cities as Miami, Florida; Hartford, Connecticut; and Camden, New Jersey—all with the support of large immigrant populations. Puerto Ricans have been targeted by national political parties as a potential swing vote in New York City and Florida.
Advocacy groups for Puerto Rican immigrants—including the educational organization Aspira—began in New York City in 1961. Others include the National Conference of Puerto Rican Women, the National Puerto Rican Coalition, the National Puerto Rican Forum, and the Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund. Puerto Rico’s government also maintains services “stateside.” Its Department of Labor has maintained an office in New York City since 1930, its Migration Division opened in New York City in 1948, and had offices in 115 American cities by 2005.
The twenty-first century would see fundamental and widely encompassing changes to historical patterns of Puerto Rican migration to the United States. In addition, these patterns would alter the structure of the Puerto Rican community in the United States—which by the 2020s was multi-generational. These far-ranging impacts impacted newly-arrived Puerto Rican migrants to the US mainland, and its native population inside of Puerto Rico.
In the 2020s, Puerto Rican immigration to the US sharply increased and its population footprint extended beyond traditional areas such as New York City and Florida. This immigration resulted from a combination of factors mainly economic in nature. Beginning in the 1990s and extending for several decades, local mismanagement of the Puerto Rican economy resulted in the island government accruing a substantial level of debt. This harmed local economies and the ability of the island government to fund social services. Puerto Rico saw a net loss of 446,000 people by the mid-2010s. In the late-2010s, a series of devastating natural disasters—most notably Hurricanes Irma and Maria in 2017—caused widespread damage to Puerto Rican infrastructures. Buildings such as schools, electrical power generation, and businesses sustained heavy damage and destruction. The presidential administration of Donald Trump (2017-2021; 2025-) came under widespread criticisms for the inadequacy of US government relief and rebuilding efforts in what many described as a callous disregard of fellow Americans. The Covid-19 pandemic—which began in 2020—and the shortfall in medical services was also impactful. In 2020, an earthquake added to Puerto Rico's complications.
These conditions began to spur large-scale migration of its younger demographics away from Puerto Rico and onto the US mainland. In 2021, those of Puerto Rican descent in the United States numbered 5.8 million. This included the 3.3 American citizens living on Puerto Rico and the 2.5 million on the mainland. This figure represented a 71 percent increase in a two-year time span in the years between 2020 and 2021. By 2021, 28 percent of Puerto Ricans living in the continental US had been born on the island. The median age of Puerto Ricans—31 years old—on the mainland was lower than the general US population—39 years old. In 2022, the median age of the population residing on the island had risen to 43.7 years. In 2025, the median age of Puerto Ricans continued to rise to 45.8 years, while the median age in the US remained relatively stagnant at 39.1 years. By 2024, the Puerto Rican population living in the US rose to 6.1 million, with around 3.2 million living on the island. The island's population decreased by 500,000 people between 2010 and the mid-2020s, mainly attributed to US migration to the mainland, low fertility rates, and the devastation caused by Hurricanes Maria and Irma in 2017.
Bibliography
Acosta-Belén, Edna, and Carlos Enrique Santiago. Puerto Ricans in the United States: A Contemporary Portrait. Lynne Rienner, 2006.
Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños. Labor Migration Under Capitalism: The Puerto Rican Experience. Monthly Review Press, 1979.
Cheatham, Amelia, and Diana Roy. "Puerto Rico: A U.S. Territory in Crisis." Council on Foreign Relations, 29 Sept. 2022, www.cfr.org/backgrounder/puerto-rico-us-territory-crisis. Accessed 18 Sept. 2024.
Escalante, Alyssa. "Latinos Rise to Record-High 20% of U.S. Population ." Saluda America, 6 Nov. 2025, salud-america.org/latinos-rise-to-record-high-20-of-u-s-population. Accessed 14 Jan. 2026.
Fitzpatrick, Joseph P. Puerto Rican Americans: The Meaning of Migration to the Mainland. Prentice-Hall, 1987.
Flores, Juan. Puerto Rican Arrival in New York: Narratives of the Migration, 1920-1950. Markus Wiener, 1997.
Friedlander, Stanley L. Labor Migration and Economic Growth: A Case Study of Puerto Rico. MIT Press, 1965.
Hernández Alvarez, José. Return Migration to Puerto Rico. Institute of International Studies, U of California P, 1967.
Maraniss, David. Clemente: The Passion and Grace of Baseball’s Last Hero. Simon & Schuster, 2006.
"Membership of the 119th Congress: A Profile ." EveryCRSReport, 4 Aug. 2025, www.everycrsreport.com/reports/R48535.html. Accessed 14 Jan. 2026.
Morales, Julio. Puerto Rican Poverty and Migration: We Just Had to Try Elsewhere. Praeger, 1986.
Moslimani, Mohamad, Luis Noe-Bustamante, and Sono Shah. "Facts on Hispanics of Puerto Rican Origin in the United States, 2021." Pew Research Center, 16 Aug. 2023, www.pewresearch.org/fact-sheet/us-hispanics-facts-on-puerto-rican-origin-latinos. Accessed 18 Sept. 2024.
Pérez, Gina M. The Near Northwest Side Story: Migration, Displacement, and Puerto Rican Families. U of California P, 2004.
Pérez y González, María. Puerto Ricans in the United States. Greenwood Press, 2000.
Pina, Gabriel, and Gracie Martinez. "Key Facts about U.S. Latinos." Pew Research Center, 22 Oct. 2025, www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2025/10/22/key-facts-about-us-latinos/#puerto-rico-s-population-continues-to-decline. Accessed 14 Jan. 2026.
"Puerto Rico Demographics." Worldometer, 2026, www.worldometers.info/demographics/puerto-rico-demographics/#:~:text=Median%20Age,Fertility%20in%20Puerto%20Rico. Accessed 14 Jan. 2026.
Torre, Carlos Antonio, and Hugo Rodríguez Vecchini. The Commuter Nation: Perspectives on Puerto Rican Migration. Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1994.
Whalen, Carmen. From Puerto Rico To Philadelphia. Temple UP, 2001.
Wilder, Kristie, and Paul Mackun. "Median Age in 192 Metro Areas Higher Than National Median of 39.1 ." US Census, 26 June 2025, www.census.gov/library/stories/2025/06/metro-areas-median-age.html. Accessed 14 Jan. 2026.