Marxist models
Marxist models of race relations primarily focus on the intersection of racism and class struggle within capitalist societies. The older model, influenced by sociologist Oliver Cox and historian Herbert Aptheker, views racism as a tool used by the ruling class to divide the working class, thereby preventing unity among workers who might otherwise challenge capitalist exploitation. This perspective describes racial consciousness as a form of "false consciousness," which misleads exploited individuals about their true interests.
A newer Marxist interpretation, notably articulated by historian Eugene Genovese, acknowledges the earlier view while emphasizing the development of a racial consciousness among marginalized populations. This consciousness can foster a sense of purpose and dignity, empowering these groups to confront the economic and political power of the ruling elite. Both models underline that racism, alongside other forms of inequality like low wages, hinders the organization of a revolutionary movement among workers.
Marxists contend that the eradication of economic exploitation will ultimately lead to the dissolution of racism, as the social need for such divisions would vanish. In contemporary discussions, particularly in the context of Critical Race Theory (CRT), the relationship between economic and racial inequalities has become a politically charged issue, often misrepresented in public discourse as inherently Marxist.
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Marxist models
There are two models of race relations that are held by interpreters within the Marxist tradition. The first and oldest view is quite similar to the social class theory of race relations proposed by the sociologist Oliver Cox in Race Relations: Elements and Social Dynamics (1976) and by the historian Herbert Aptheker, in works such as American Slave Revolts (1943). This interpretation sees racism as part of the method used by the wealthy, ruling class to divide the working class. If African American and white workers hate each other because of their skin color, they are less likely to join together to challenge the capitalist system. Racial consciousness is another aspect of “false consciousness,” which for Marxists refers to the totally false and misleading view of how the world works that is presented to the victims of exploitation by the ruling elite. This false consciousness, which says that African Americans are biologically and culturally inferior to whites, prevents workers from seeing their common interest, which is the destruction of capitalism.
A newer Marxist perspective does not deny the earlier interpretation but adds a significant new factor to it. The best explanation of this view is found in the work of historian Eugene Genovese, especially in Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (1974). The new factor is the creation of a racial consciousness among the exploited population that challenges the supremacist ideas of the ruling class. This spirit of nationalism among the victims of racist thought helps them create a sense of purpose and dignity. These values help them eventually come together to challenge the economic and political power of the dominating elite.
Both Marxist views describe black-white relations within the context of a capitalist economy. Capitalist society is already divided into social classes that have unequal power, so the division of the lowest class, the workers, into racially hostile camps makes the task of organizing a revolution just that much more difficult. For Marxists, a revolution led by workers is the only way to eliminate inequality. Racism, like low wages and child labor, is another form of inequality. The question is how attitudes based on white supremacy can be overcome.
One proposal calls for all workers to unite in a colorless, raceless, revolutionary struggle simply by recognizing the absurdity of racist pronouncements. The other model for change calls for workers to discover the contradictory nature of racism. They need to understand that racism is a source of oppression and division that prevents workers from joining together in the fight for equality. However, at the same time, the horrors of white society’s racist past have stimulated an ideology of liberation and unity among the people most severely injured by that past. Eventually that new spirit of revolt (black nationalism) will help lead the way toward the destruction of capitalist society itself. Marxists generally believe that once economic exploitation is ended, racism, too, will disappear, because there will no longer be a need for it.
In the first two decades of the twenty-first century, ideas on the intersection of economic and political inequality and race became a political football. This was particularly notable when they were considered under the umbrella-term of Critical Race Theory (CRT). Originally, CRT sought to offer explanations on the continuance of economic disparities among people of color. As the political environment of the United States became increasingly polarized, detractors sought to portray CRT as an ominous academic movement designed to sow discord among schoolchildren. CRT was also described as seeking to undermine traditional values held by large segments of American society. Detractors bottom-lined CRT as being founded on Marxist principles. While many of the original proponents of CRT pointed to long-established practices motivated by racism, they did not suggest Marxism as a solution. Misrepresentations of CRT, nonetheless, became an easy political button to push to galvanize sentiment and political unity. American state legislatures in conservative states began to pass legislation forbidding the teaching of CRT principles, actions which many considered a needless gesture. These critics maintained that this legislation was countering a problem that never existed.
Bibliography
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