Preventing Deviance by Strengthening Social Bonds

A definition of deviance and norms in the field of sociology and an overview of deviance from the perspective of the classical sociological perspective structural-functionalism is presented. The social theorist Émile Durkheim's work on deviance as a functional element in normal, healthy societies is addressed, as well as an understanding of the relationship between the level of social bonds and deviance, particularly as seen by Durkheim, including an explanation for high levels of deviance in a society, which is considered a reflection of a lack of cohesion. The article also presents an overview of Durkheim's classic work “Suicide” and why it is used to understand deviance in general, and then addresses the need for members to assimilate into the dominant cultural norms and how this can strengthen social bonds in order to reduce deviance. It also gives an example of immigrants maintaining traditional norms as a means to increase cohesion and reduce deviance.

Keywords Assimilation; Breaching Experiment; Cohesion; Deviance; Ethnocentrism; Folkways; Mores; Laws; Norms; Sacred Object; Taboos

Preventing Deviance by Strengthening Social Bonds

Overview

Defining Deviance

Sociologists define deviance as behavior or appearance that goes against the dominant rules, or norms, of a society. Each society has its own set of norms, and to violate them is to be deviant. Deviance is not just being different from others; there are many instances of this in societies. For example, it is relatively rare to be a celebrity, but it is not deviant. Furthermore, a relatively common behavior, such as smoking marijuana, the most widely used illicit substance in much of the United States, is considered deviant. Deviance is not always criminal; one can be socially deviant by breaking the informal rules of a society; for example, a man wearing a skirt is considered deviant.

In the United States, the dominant norms reflect those of the founders of the country, who were white Anglo-Saxon Protestants. Because of this, many minority groups' norms are considered deviant only because they are different from the mainstream, dominant normative structure. When minority groups begin to take on the dominant norms in a society, it is called assimilation, or acculturation, and this is common and expected. There are examples, such as the mainstream acceptance of jazz as a music form, of Americans absorbing minority norms. This is called pluralism.

One of the best ways to understand deviance is to think about how important rules are to the smooth operations of a society. However, it is difficult to see these rules when one is immersed in society. This is why it is easier to see norms in another society, because they are different and we are forced to think about our own behavior and ways of thinking. Another way of identifying norms is to engage in norm-breaching experiments. Sociologists intentionally break, or breach, norms and record the reactions of others (Garfinkel, 1967). In this way, they can see how rules exist in a society, what the rewards are for following them, and what the punishments are for breaking them.

Norms & Their Functions

Norms have extraordinary power in societies. The purpose of norms is to

• Regulate social behavior,

• Reinforce social boundaries, and

• Help make sense of values, or beliefs the society holds (Durkheim, 1933).

There are three types of norms for behavior in sociology: folkways,mores (which include taboos), and laws. The level of reward for following the rules or, conversely, punishment associated with breaking the rules determines in which categories these rules will fall. Folkways are the hundreds and hundreds of everyday, informal rules we follow that guide us socially. Table manners, how others are addressed, and what to wear to a gathering are all folkways, and breaking these rules renders small irritations like a frown or a sideways look. Mores are the formal rules that are usually, but not always, law. In the mores of any society, you will find the moral imperatives, or the moral structures that inform the society in terms of religion or politics, for example; engaging in adultery or committing murder are breaches of mores. When mores are broken, members are severely punished with social embarrassment or ostracism. Laws are the codified, formally agreed upon rules that are punishable through bureaucratic means, and when these are broken there is a formal structure (the judicial system) that is in place to punish the deviant. Just because a rule is law does not mean it is the norm—for example, someone speeding in an area in which all other drivers are also speeding. In this case, the norm is to speed, yet the law is otherwise.

There are very few norms that are universal, although most social scientists agree that incest is a universal taboo (Levi-Strauss, 1969). Even in the face of massive amounts of evidence that incest is the only norm that every society holds as deviant, aside from a few known ancient practicing cultures, social scientists still look for an explanation for this norm—a function of this rule. The most plausible guess is that it extends family ties, strengthening the family, but this is still not a corroborated explanation.

Norms & the Social Bonds of Society

The norms in any society are the glue; they are how we know what to do every day, how to interact with one another, and when and what to do in our lives. Adherents to structural-functionalism, one of the classical paradigms or theoretical perspectives in sociology, see norms as one of the most important elements in any society, and the level of adherence to the rules represents how strong the social bonds are, or how cohesive the society is. Sociologists are careful to point out that norms are always relative (Durkheim, 1933). That means deviance is also always relative, because it is dependent on the rules of the society. One cannot break a rule that does not exist. Put another way, when a rule is created, it is only then, upon its creation, that someone is able to break the rule and be defined as a deviant. In some cases, what one might consider deviant in most cases is the norm. For example, if you are a soldier, killing the enemy is not murder and, in fact, you could be required to kill someone or you may be killed.

The relative nature of norms indicates that they are socially constructed, or created, and exist to help the social world remain predictable for its members. If we did not have these rules, we would be easily confused and may feel separated, or alienated from others. Yet, in each society, the members must consider their norms superior to others so that the members agree with and follow these rules.

Structural-Functionalism & Social Bonds

Structural-functionalists see high levels of deviance as a marker of a society's lack of solidarity, or lack of strong social bonds. The most well-known structural-functionalist is the French sociologist Émile Durkheim. He argued that rapid social change, or some other abrupt change in the social order, is the source of inordinately high levels of deviance. Durkheim believed that, while it is impossible for a society to be deviance-free, high levels of deviance is a sign that people in the society do not feel connected enough to others, or that the society is in such of state of chaos that its members feel that the rules do not apply.

For Durkheim and many other functionalists, deviance is created by making more laws. Actions are not inherently right or wrong; they either contribute to the smooth operations of the society or they do not. In other words, all actions are relative to the situation, and, in so far as the rules create and maintain social bonds, they are or are not functional.

Durkheim said that, while deviance is always found in normal, healthy societies, when a society has very high levels of deviance it means that the members do not feel connected to the society. When sizable numbers of members in a society break the rules, according to Durkheim, the society is in a state of anomie (Durkheim, 1951). Strong social bonds being the basis for a well-balanced society, Durkheim understood that deviance is a reflection of how connected members feel. His concept of anomie was developed to explain one of the four types of suicide that is discussed in his enlightening work Suicide (1951).

Suicide as a Deviant Act & the Lack of Social Bonds

Understanding deviance and its relationship to strong social bonds is one of the most important discussions Émile Durkheim took up in his work. In his work on suicide, Durkheim shows that deviance is a sociological phenomenon, not a psychological one. He uses suicide as the example of deviance. He shows that larger social forces are what contribute to whether people deviate from the norms of society, not individual people and the choices they make. Durkheim studied the relationship between social cohesion, or social bonds, and regulation, or whether people feel compelled to follow the rules, and whether people are more or less likely to deviate from the rules of a society—in this case committing suicide. In this study, Durkheim looked at several factors that might influence whether people would commit suicide, including sex and weather. But he found religion as the most revealing factor. He found that Protestants are the most likely to commit suicide, followed by Catholics and then Jews. Durkheim argues that Protestants have the highest levels of suicide because, as a group, they encourage personal autonomy and individualistic thinking. Catholics are more communal than Protestants and have a higher level of cohesion. Jewish people have the highest level of cohesion or social integration and are the least likely to commit suicide.

Durkheim lists four types of suicide:

• Anomic,

• Altruistic,

• Egoistic, and

• Fatalistic.

Anomic suicide occurs when the social regulation is so weak that members do not feel that the society can fulfill their needs. Altruistic suicide occurs when members feel too much social integration and they are willing to sacrifice for the group; while rare, this type of suicide is seen in suicide bombers. Egoistic suicide occurs when members do not feel enough integration, making them feel as though no one cares for them; Durkheim argues that this is more likely in highly individualistic societies. Fatalistic suicide, dealt with very little in the study, is when regulation is too high, for example when someone is in an abusive prison.

Deviance & the Division of Labor in Society

For Durkheim, the amount of deviance is directly related to whether or not a society is industrialized. In preindustrial societies, deviance is much lower, and this is because the people are very similar to one another and they feel very connected to one another. Further, members are allowed very little latitude in small hunting and gathering societies or farming villages; everyone knows one another and any rule broken results in at least public shame. In these societies, when members do break the rules, the punishment is very retributive, or harsh. This is because the deviant is perceived to have violated the entire community. Punishment in these cultures can be vengeful and is often public, including humiliation and even execution (Foucault, 1975).

As societies industrialize and become more complex, deviance becomes more common because members are less likely to know one another. People specialize in their work and we are encouraged to be "individuals" and creative, making deviance more likely. These complex societies develop formal structures to punish deviants in a more objective way, law becomes more regulatory, and deviants are required to do restitution, or pay back society. Punishments in these societies are designed to restore the deviant's status in the society. In Western societies, since the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century, the prison system has been used to rehabilitate deviants in an effort to restore justice (Foucault, 1975). Ideally, the deviant will again feel part of the social fabric and (re)develop social bonds that will deter further deviance.

The Sacred & Profane & Their Roles in Creating Social Bonds

Structural-functionalists believe that the stronger the bond the individual has to the society, the less likely the individual is to be deviant. There are several ways to encourage higher levels of cohesion. One way is to have a shared notion of what is sacred and what objects are sacred in a society. The opposite of these sacred objects are called profane, which means everyday, or ordinary. Most societies have religious objects that are sacred. For Christians the cross is sacred, as is the Bible. For Muslims the crescent is sacred, as is the Qur’an. For Jewish people the Star of David is sacred, as is the Torah. Durkheim states that, while the idea that these items are actually sacred—and any different from any other objects in society—is socially constructed, societies must have these objects; all societies do. These sacred objects have very important functions in societies. First, they allow the members to collectively agree on some things, in these cases religious objects, and, in this agreement that these objects are more important than other ordinary things, the members find a sense of community, a sense of cohesion, and are less likely to be deviant because they feel connected to others. Second, these objects have an exclusionary value, meaning that if others do not see them as sacred, members can identify those who are not part of the group. This reinforces the social bonds between those who agree on these sacred objects. Sacred objects can also be flags, animals, or even sports trophies.

Assimilation & In-Group vs. Out-Group

One of the major sources of deviance is that members do not agree with the norms of the dominant society. This is particularly the case with minority groups and immigrants. Ideally, these groups assimilate into the culture in which they live. Assimilation is the process of taking on the culture of another, dominant group. This is also sometimes called acculturation. Immigration to another culture generally requires some amount of assimilation. As members become more assimilated, and they display the norms of the dominant culture, social bonds between the immigrant group and the dominant group grow stronger. But if the immigrant group is not willing to take on the dominant group's culture, for whatever reason, the immigrant group's norms are perceived as potentially destructive to the society. The immigrant group's norms are thus seen as deviant to the dominant group. The United States is particularly challenged by this as its history includes waves of immigrants from various parts of the world generally fleeing economic or political strife. Sometimes, particularly when immigrant groups have not chosen to leave their culture, they are not necessarily willing to accept American values of competition or individualism, and may even actively reject them. For this reason, immigrants can be automatically perceived as deviant.

Some American sociologists working in Chicago in the early 1900s began to investigate how immigrants become part of American society. Robert Park, an urban sociologist, developed a theory that in preindustrial societies, social bonds within a group are directly proportional to the group's fear of and animosity against an opposing group (1950). In fact, this out-group makes the in-group feel a heightened sense of solidarity and accentuates the social bonds between members (Sumner, 1906). This cohesion can perpetuate ethnocentrism, or the idea that one's own culture is superior to others and that others should adopt these norms. It is an unintended consequence of cohesion.

Deviance as a Function

For the structural-functionalist, all elements of a society are contributing to the overall balance, and deviance has the role of showing what we should and should not do. Members who deviate are punished, or sanctioned, and others see the result and are then aware of the rule. So, the deviant reinforces the rules of the society. Ultimately, Durkheim believed that deviance has several positive functions in societies, and is a sign of a healthy society. First, it allows the established norms to be challenged, and the bases for laws to be reestablished. Second, it is a source of social cohesion; Durkheim saw it as a means for a society to strengthen social bonds. People form bonds around how destructive they perceive deviants are to the social fabric. Finally, it is a source of social change and terrific creativity. However, inordinately high rates of deviance are a sign that the system is not functioning; according to functionalists, this is a sign that there is not enough social cohesion and that members do not feel connected or meaningful in society.

Applications

Social Bonds in the European Union

One way of strengthening social bonds is to provide members with the sense that they share common values. This can be done through a sacred object. As mentioned earlier, this notion of the power of the sacred object as a means for strengthening social bonds extends beyond religion. A national flag communicates a powerful sense of patriotism. Europe has been very successful in developing a sense of cohesion among countries that had, in the recent past, had great animosity for one another. One purpose of the European Union is to insure the sense of nationalism that allowed WWII to develop does not happen again. The social bonds that are developed between nations transcend the old hatred and, in creating other means of common interest (e.g., a common currency), deviance is less likely.

Shared ideas of government and the legitimacy of government can also contribute to more progressive public policy. This idea is explored in a 2007 study that looks at the conditions under which some European countries have a citizenry that support higher taxes. Higher tax morale, meaning the willingness to pay taxes for the greater public good, was found in countries in which political institutions were considered legitimate (Torgler & Schneider, 2007). When the population trusted the government to do the greatest good for the greatest number, the common notion transcended other dissimilar norms among the members.

But European countries have also struggled with the problems of immigration and how to deal with the enormous influx of new cultures into older, firmly defined normative structures. Deviance among minorities in the United Kingdom has been an ongoing problem, and France has experienced rioting in the underprivileged suburbs. In general, many of these problems have been contributed to a lack of common social norms and, therefore, a depleted sense of social cohesion. This is terribly challenging for European countries that have not had historical experience with immigrant groups to the extent that the United States has.

Sports Fans

Sports have long been of interest for sociologists as a form of the sacred and its power to create a sense of belonging among fans. One study looked at how fans not only see themselves as part of the team, but how their fandom transcends the actual event and affects their everyday lives and their very sense of identity (Stone, 2007). These fans carry with them the identity of their team, and these identities allow them to form and maintain social bonds with others they do not know but with whom they feel connected.

However, in some cases, the social bonds that are maintained through the collective appreciation of a sacred object maintain and promote norms that are destructive to the society. In Joshua Newman's study of the force of the Confederate flag flying at sporting events at the University of Mississippi and its effect on the sense of unity among the white students conveys the power of an object to maintain social bonds, even in the face of a good deal of negative press (2007). This work looks at how this symbol of the American South during the American Civil War allows players and fans to maintain social bonds through a collective and assumed notion of what the flag means; in this case, it defines exclusivity, or who is in and who is not.

Viewpoints

Creating Social Bonds & Preventing Deviance

Many criminologists are interested in the means to prevent deviance, or at the very least, to assist a deviant's reintegration into society. Theories of criminology and corrections have moved more and more toward an attempt to understand how to prevent crime and rehabilitate deviants, versus just trying to understand who is deviant and why (Downes & Rock, 1971).

For example, a Canadian study looked at how to reintegrate sex offenders by building a better sense of cohesion between the releasees and the rest of the community (Stacy & Petrunik, 2007). A 2008 study that looked at the relationship between social bonds and African American males in foster care showed that the development of bonds with foster parents, religious organizations, and school dramatically decreased the youths' risk of delinquency. This was in contrast with living with relatives, not feeling stable in the foster family, and being suspended from school (Ryan, 2008).

One interesting study looked at suicide among Hispanic immigrants versus American-born Hispanics. The findings in this study suggest that when immigrants maintain traditional cultural norms and do not assimilate into American society, they have lower suicide rates. So, not taking on the dominant norms of American life may keep some people who might otherwise commit suicide from doing so, particularly among Hispanic immigrants, as the norms of the culture are "family honor and the importance of family ties" versus American values of competition and individualism (Wadsworth & Kubrin, 2007).

Another study looked at a shocking increased rate of suicide among young African American men in American society (Poussaint & Alexander, 2001). By the time the study was published, in 2001, suicide had become the third leading cause of death among African American males between the ages of 15 and 24, and among African American men ages 20 to 25—from 5 percent in 1950 to almost 20 percent in 2000. In the past, there had been a strong taboo against suicide in the African American community. This taboo has remained among women; men are five times more likely to commit suicide. This work speculates that the inordinate stress African American males are under, the high rate of single parenthood at 70 percent, high rates of high school dropouts at 50 percent, high incarcerations rates (the surgeon general says incarceration is a high risk factor for suicide), and a high rate of feeling useless and helpless, or what Durkheim called anomie, are what have contributed to this massive increase.

Robert Merton, an American functionalist, saw Durkheim's ideas as valuable, but still not quite accurate. For Merton, deviance is caused not by a lack of social order, but by a lack of access to the goals of the dominant society. In other words, a burglar, for example, has the same goal of achieving wealth as a mainstream member, but does not have the ability to obtain wealth by accepted social norms. So, the goal of the members is the same, but the means are deviant.

Conflict Theory

Sociologists who disagree with the functionalist explanation for deviance are conflict theorists. This theory, based on the ideas of Karl Marx and later developed more fully by Max Weber and his followers, takes the position that those who are in control of wealth, property, and power control the rules of society. Therefore, these rules are precisely the rules that keep those who currently have control in control. The rest of the population is not aware they are being controlled and, therefore, support it through following the norms.

A structural-functionalist does not see the role of a social scientist as a critic of society; rather they see themselves as observers and describers of societies. Conflict theorists see themselves as theorists obliged to uncover the power structures of any society. For the conflict theorist, the idea that a society would promote assimilation of a group into the dominant society structure in order to reduce deviance, even if it is done to maintain social order, is inconceivable. For example, the former norm of segregation, commonly known as separate but equal, in the American South kept things "peaceful." To deviate against the system was a breach of mores that one could be killed for.

Conclusion

Strong social bonds are crucial to the harmony in any society. While it is important to see the power of social bonds as a means to keep members from regularly deviating from social norms, we must always keep in mind that deviance is normal in a society. As long as there are rules there will be deviance. Further, in order to promote social order and reduce deviance, it is crucial that social structures are flexible enough to make room for new members as they assimilate into the new culture. Finally, one of the most important ways we can prevent deviance in a society is to ensure that members feel part of the group and reduce the potential for the sense of meaninglessness and alienation that comes from pushing those members to the fringe.

Terms & Concepts

Assimilation: The process of taking on the dominant norms of a culture, also called acculturation. Immigrants are expected to take on the norms of their new culture.

Breaching Experiment: Intentionally breaking rules and recording the reactions of others in an effort to more fully understand what the rules are.

Cohesion: The level to which to members of a society agree on ways of acting (norms) and what to believe (values); it is the strength of the social bonds in a society.

Deviance: Behavior or appearance that violates the dominant rules, or norms, of a society.

Ethnocentrism: The belief that one's own culture is superior to others.

Folkways: William Sumner coined this sociological term that describes the everyday customs and habits of any culture. Punishment for breaking these rules is not severe.

Mores: Almost always reflected by laws, mores are the rules in any society upon which morals lie. Breaking these rules results in severe punishment. A taboo is a type of more.

Laws: These are rules that are codified and enforced through the government.

Norms: Sociologists divide these rules for behavior into three groups: folkways; mores, which includes taboos; and laws.

Taboos: Ritualized rules that can be considered sacred. The only semi-universal taboo is incest, despite several ancient cultures practicing it.

Bibliography

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Hannem, S., & Petrunik, M. (2007). Circles of support and accountability: A community justice initiative for the reintegration of high risk sex offenders. Contemporary Justice Review, 10 , 153–171. Retrieved August 27, 2008, from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premiere. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=25509058&site=ehost-live

Levi-Strauss, C. (1969). The elementary structures of kinship. Boston: Beacon Press.

Newman, J. (2007). Old times there are not forgotten: Sport, identity, and the Confederate flag in the Dixie South. Sociology of Sport Journal, 24 , 261–282. Retrieved August 27, 2008, from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=26928765&site=ehost-live

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Poussaint, A. & Alexander, A. (2001). Lay my burden down: Suicide and mental health crisis among African Americans. Boston: Beacon Press.

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Ryan, J., Testa, M., & Zhai, F. (2008). African American males in foster care and the risk of delinquency: The value of social bonds and permanence. Child Welfare, 87 , 115–140. Retrieved August 27, 2008, from EBSCO online database, Academic Search Premier. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=33294216&site=ehost-live

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Suggested Reading

Adler, P. A., & Adler, P. (2012). Constructions of deviance: Social power, context, and interaction. 7th ed. Belmont, CA: Thomson/Wadsworth.

Curra, J. (2014). The relativity of deviance. 3rd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications.

Merton, R. (1968). Social theory and social structure. New York: Free Press.

Modood, T. & Werbner, P. (1997). The politics of multiculturalism in the new Europe. London: Zed Books.

Park, R. (1967). On social control and collective behavior. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.